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How Trump’s Crackdown on International Students Could Escalate Trade Tensions With China

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“Economists don’t like tariffs not only because of the tariff itself but because of the uncertainty it creates,” Fangzhou Jiang, a Chinese student at Harvard Kennedy School and co-founder of higher education consulting firm Crimson Education, tells TIME. “It’s the same situation.”

The uncertainty Jiang is dealing with is his education: while his student visa has so far not been affected, the changing situation around Harvard’s enrollment authorization and now new restrictions on Chinese students have made it difficult to navigate decisions around things like housing for the next academic year.

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Secretary of State Marco Rubio said Wednesday the U.S. would start “aggressively” revoking Chinese student visas and “enhance scrutiny” of applications from mainland China and Hong Kong. Rubio gave sparse details on what exactly the criteria would be but said it would include “those with connections to the Chinese Communist Party or studying in critical fields.” 

China on Thursday condemned the decision, calling it “discriminatory.”

“The U.S. decision … seriously hurts the lawful rights and interests of international students from China, and disrupts people-to-people exchanges between the two countries. China firmly opposes it and has protested to the U.S. over the decision,” said Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Mao Ning. “This politically motivated and discriminatory move exposes the U.S. hypocrisy over freedom and openness. It will further damage the image and reputation of the U.S. itself.”

The U.S. move comes at a time when the Trump Administration has imposed restrictions on the sales of chip design software and some jet engine parts to China, and soon after it warned that the sale of Huawei semiconductors “anywhere in the world” would violate U.S. export controls—prompting China to threaten legal action. It’s also come amid the Administration’s war on U.S. colleges, which has included slashing federal funding for a number of universities and an attempt to bar Harvard University from enrolling international students over the school’s alleged noncompliance with a list of demands.

The decision was celebrated by some. Ashley Moody, a Republican Senator from Florida, posted on X, “the U.S. is no longer in the business of importing espionage.” Moody introduced a bill in March to ban all Chinese students from the U.S.

Others, however, condemned the move. “The wholesale revocation of student visas based on national origin—and without an investigation—is xenophobic and wrong,” the Democratic-led Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus posted on X. “Turning these students away—many of whom simply wish to learn in a free and democratic society—is not just shortsighted but a betrayal of our values.”

Trump has restricted Chinese students before

This policy “doesn’t come from nowhere,” says David Weeks, co-founder and chief operating officer of Sunrise International, a consulting firm that advises overseas universities on recruiting Chinese students. “You have adverse policies tracing back all the way to” President Donald Trump’s first term, Weeks says.

In 2020, Trump’s first-term Administration implemented Proclamation 10043, a restrictive visa policy on Chinese graduate students and researchers with ties to China’s “military-civil” universities. Around 1,000 Chinese scholars had their visas revoked under the policy, which persisted under the Biden Administration.

The new restrictions may appear more expansive, but it’s “a lot of chest thumping,” Weeks says, adding that without further details, it doesn’t appear to be substantively different from what’s been in place for the last five years. “It’s almost domestic political posturing. There’s folks in the State Department that may want to seem tough on China, but this idea of limiting visas for students pursuing critical fields is nothing new.”

The ambiguity around the new policy and other recent decisions has thrown some Chinese students into a precarious position.

The main change is that the criteria has been expanded from alleged military ties to ties to the CCP—but in effect, Weeks says, this will be logistically difficult to implement. A huge number of Chinese citizens have ties to the CCP: the party boasts a membership of around 100 million members, and even if someone isn’t a member, it’s likely they can be linked through someone they know who is. But people join for reasons beyond direct political involvement. “To be a civil servant or work in a state enterprise, it’s almost obligatory to be in the party,” one member told AFP. “It’s like a diploma. It opens doors.”

On top of that, “essentially every department of every Chinese university has a dual system of governance, where you’ve got the dean and you have the Communist Party Secretary,” Weeks says. Students may have also joined the Communist Youth League at some point, but it’s almost akin to joining the Boy Scouts, he adds. 

“The party is omnipresent in many Chinese universities,” Weeks says, but that doesn’t mean that students are actively politically involved. “The effort to try to disentangle and identify who has a party affiliation is practically extremely difficult.”

If it’s about national security, Jiang says, then it “might not be the most effective move” to go after anyone with apparent affiliations with the CCP because “you would have targeted a whole bunch of people that have nothing to do with politics or with national security matters.”

“There’s a possibility that students could be vindictively targeted, especially if they’re at a university like Harvard that’s picked a fight with the Administration,” Weeks says. “There’s certainly a risk that we could have a McCarthyist sort of sweep.”

American higher education risks losing critical international student base

Chinese students account for nearly a quarter—or more than 277,000—of all international students in the U.S., the second highest nationality behind Indian students, according to a 2024 Open Doors report. Many of these students are “financially pretty self-sustaining,” Weeks says, which can be a significant contribution to university revenue. Chinese students also tend to have strong backgrounds in STEM and are typically highly academically motivated, he adds. They can be “a critical lifeline for some programs.”

“There’s just no market that is as big and as wealthy and as academically prepared as China,” Weeks says.

Right now, among Chinese students and their families, there’s concern, Weeks says, but not yet panic.

U.S. universities have long held a “tremendous amount of soft power,” he adds. “In China, there’s still a perception that certain other countries are easy, because they don’t have as selective of admissions processes as the U.S. does, the degrees are shorter and thus less rigorous.” Many U.S. universities, even non-elite ones, have a kind of brand recognition among Chinese employers, while job opportunities in large American cities are “unparalleled.”

Chinese families have also watched Trump’s other policies go on rollercoasters, including imposing heavy tariffs on China and the rest of the world before backing out. “I think Chinese families are seeing that there’s sometimes a lot of noise and bluster, then the final outcome is not ideal,” says Weeks, “but it’s certainly not apocalyptic either.”

Still, if punitive policies towards Chinese international students persist, students may turn to alternative destinations, experts say.

Read More: These Asian Universities Are Seeking to Attract Harvard Transfers as Trump Targets International Students

“Chinese parents view this environment as one of toxic uncertainty,” Weeks says. “Chinese parents really gravitate towards the rule of law in a lot of these anglophone countries, so when they see that the rule of law in some places is under threat, that’s deeply concerning to them.”

Move could erode trust between U.S. and China

The Trump Administration’s attitude towards Chinese students is a far cry from the counterpart view of Chinese President Xi Jinping, who has for years advocated for more American students to come to China. Xi in 2023 launched an initiative to bring in 50,000 Americans for exchanges and studies over five years. Last year, 16,000 Americans participated.

“There’s recognition that when you don’t have people-to-people exchanges, you lose an important bulwark against populist rhetoric on both sides,” Weeks says. “China thinks that we need more, not less, exchange if we have disagreements.”

On Wednesday evening, the same day that Rubio announced the decision, Chinese Ambassador Xie Feng touted people-to-people exchanges as foundational to U.S.-China relations.

“It is people-to-people ties that invigorate China-U.S. relations,” he said at his embassy. “We warmly welcome all American friends to travel in China, shop in China, succeed in China and take part in Chinese modernisation. Come and see the country with your own eyes.”

Jiang says when he thinks of his peers, friends, and faculty members, he feels very welcome in the U.S. But these moves by the Administration have spotlighted rhetoric that makes him feel less accepted.

Some experts say the Administration’s decision will lead to an erosion of trust between the two countries, which could ultimately impact trade negotiations—a key priority for the Trump Administration.

“This policy is an unfair treatment of Chinese citizens, which will intensify diplomatic tensions between China and the United States, undermining the easing atmosphere that had emerged following the Geneva talks,” Sun Chenghao, a fellow at Tsinghua University’s Centre for International Security and Strategy, told the South China Morning Post, referencing the agreement between the U.S. and China to temporarily lower tariffs.

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said in a Thursday Fox News interview that trade talks with China are “a bit stalled” and pushed for a call between Trump and Xi—who last spoke in January ahead of Trump’s inauguration.

“I think China has made it clear that it would like to disentangle security disagreements and trade … from people-to-people exchanges,” Weeks says. Though he doesn’t think the Trump Administration’s education policies will ultimately undermine trade negotiations, he adds: “I don’t know if Trump or Rubio actually care that much about which student from what province is studying at what U.S. university, but I do think that they see international students unfortunately not as humans, but as bargaining chips.”


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In Vatican We Trust?

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The same week that Robert Prevost was proclaimed the new Pope Leo XIV — spiritual shepherd to one billion Catholic souls and the first American to hold the title in history — a friend of mine had a medical check-up just a couple of miles from St. Peter’s Square.

There, she was informed that, due to the prognosis of a medical condition, she would have to pursue IVF if she ever wanted children.

The delivery of the information was not explicit. The doctor did not use the precise words in vitro fertilization. He couldn’t — or rather, he preferred skirting the issue. My friend is single and, as such, like same-sex couples, she cannot be legally recommended IVF as an option for assisted reproduction.

The Vatican’s political veto: How the Church shaped Italy’s IVF laws

Despite IVF’s reproductive revolution, the technology has been impeded in Italy. While IVF clinics initially began operations unregulated in the 1980s and 1990s, Catholic conservative hegemony, emanating from the Vatican, was soon enough to stifle the proliferation of IVF across the Italian peninsula.

In 1987, in its declaration Donum Vitae, the Vatican condemned IVF as “morally unacceptable” — a stance maintained by the late Pope Francis.

Within Italian politics, assisted reproduction — including IVF, embryo freezing, sperm and egg donation and surrogacy — was regulated in 2004 with Law 40. The legislation limited IVF to heterosexual couples and banned other forms of assisted reproduction.

It was passed by a right-wing coalition comprising the Catholic-leaning Unione dei Democratici Cristiani e di Centro (UDC), the Alleanza Nazionale (AN) and the Lega Nord — presided over by Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza Italia party.

It was a piece of legislation bearing the clear stamp of Vatican lobbying and has stood as one example among many of the Church’s role in influencing the politics that govern women’s choices over their bodies.

The hypocrite’s oath: The Church’s grip on Italian healthcare

Culturally, too, the Vatican carries enormous weight and power. The Church’s position within communities across Italy has meant that it often delivers many basic health services.

Sexual health, for instance — from HPV vaccinations to STI check-ups and prescriptions — is often handled in Catholic-affiliated medical facilities.

There is no doubt that these facilities do essential frontline work, but there are limitations to medical services delivered under the auspices of religious practices.

For all the good they do, they operate within a cultural backdrop that prioritizes religious dogma, undermining a woman’s ability to choose for herself what to do with her body.

For example, 70% of doctors profess the Catholic faith and are therefore conscientiously inclined to object to a woman requesting information about or access to abortion.

No country for old women

The consequences of the Church’s cultural and political influence are twofold for women. First, their overall biological health.

Ample studies have found material impacts on women’s health over the course of their lives. The lack of a uniform, evidence-based approach to health policy has resulted in enormous disparities and unequal access to essential healthcare services — a situation that disproportionately affects women.

The result, in short, is that women in Italy live longer than men but spend more years in poor health.

Second, there is the interrelationship between quality of life and the societal expectations placed on women.

Take parental leave: Maternity leave for women is five months, with 80% of their salary covered — the lowest in Western Europe (the exception being Spain, where parental leave is split equally at four months for both parents, with 100% salary coverage).

Italian fathers, meanwhile, get a meager ten days at full pay — the lowest in Western Europe.

Same-sex couples even worse off

For same-sex couples, the story is even grimmer. While Italy recognized civil unions in 2016, same-sex marriage is banned — as are same-sex adoption and surrogacy.

Parental leave, therefore, does not exist for them, as they are not legally recognized as parents. The nucleus of the family remains a man and woman wedlocked in heterosexual, heteronormative harmony — a dogmatic view of social values prescribed by the Vatican, whose weight continues to bear heavily on Italian life.

In his first address as Pope, Robert Prevost reiterated the sanctity of the family, whose building block is “the stable union between a man and a woman.”

The Vatican’s demographic paradox: Empty cradles and an aging nation

As with all dogmatic impositions, however, there are obvious problems. The long alliance in Italy between religious and political conservatives may have led to numerous victories protecting their vision of the family and women’s role in it, but these have not produced economic prosperity or curbed the demographic crisis facing Italy.

With half the population shackled by traditional values that prefer them to stay at home, it is unsurprising that there is a huge stigma around mothers returning to work after taking leave.

30% of women leave their jobs after having a child — compared to just 3% of men. Should they choose to re-enter the workforce, Italian mothers face a 27% lower hiring rate than women without children.

The idealization of motherhood is reflected in myriad other statistics, but the simple conclusion is that Italian women face the triple burden of unstable jobs, unpaid care work and wage discrimination.

The demographic effects

Perhaps it is unsurprising, then, that these economic hardships are doing little to produce bigger families, despite the Church’s extolling of motherhood’s virtues.

Births are at their lowest in Italian history, with projections that the population will fall by five million by 2050. This is the central piece of a demographic aging puzzle that also includes the second-highest median age in Europe and a high burden of pensioners per working person (57:100).

Demographic crises are on the rise across Europe, but in Italy, the causes are more intimately connected to the cultural attitudes fostered by the Catholic Church and conservative lobby toward the family, women and motherhood.

A new Pope, same old problems: Hollower than Hallow

It is from this vantage point that the recent developments in the Vatican and its politics ring hollow.

Millions tuned in to observe the pomp and pageantry of Pope Francis’s funeral. Attention lingered on St. Peter’s Square — with added excitement following the hype of the movie Conclave.

Finally, Robert Prevost emerged on the balcony as the new Pope Leo XIV — the first American in history. Media pundits pontificated on the meaning of this choice.

Was there a connection between his years spent in rural Peru and the favor he had garnered from his South American predecessor?

Could the speed of the two-day conclave be interpreted as a sign of unity and consensus among the Church’s 133 cardinals?

And what were the geopolitical implications of his American roots? Would they satisfy the Catholic lobby in the United States, or would his selection antagonize the religious fundamentalism of the MAGA movement?

Conclusion

Prevost now leads a community of one billion Catholics worldwide. The questions surrounding the direction of his leadership will be important. But just a couple of miles down the road, my friend will not be paying much attention.

As things stand, unable to access IVF in Italy, she must expend thought, energy and resources on circumventing cultural norms and medical practices that deny her control over her own body.

She is one of countless Italian women — perhaps facing different circumstances but united in the cultural cause of those circumstances.

She must reckon with a difficult choice that has been made for her by an Italian society scarred by the Vatican’s insidious influence — scars known by two simple and all-too-common names: Misogyny and sexism.

The post In Vatican We Trust? appeared first on The Globalist.


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